Reforestation: A Couple Tips

How can we increase reforestation on this poor benighted planet?  A good start is to see what lessons we can draw from places where reforestation has already happened naturally rather than as an intended result of deforestation policy. We’ll look at New England and Vietnam.

In New England, deforestation followed the shift from farming to manufacturing in the 19th century. Land that had been farmed reverted to forests and people moved to locations where goods were produced and transported, especially along rivers, canals and rail lines. A lot of the countryside was simply abandoned in the process.

In Vietnam, policy changes leading to the strengthening of property rights and the development of markets for agricultural products contributed to the intensification of agriculture on the most suitable land and a decline in less productive areas, which subsequently reverted to woodland.  In the 1990s, new land-tenure laws designed to improve agricultural productivity allowed households to own forested lands and sell forest products from their land. This change in policy encouraged private stewardship and expansion of forested areas. Strengthened property rights meant smallholders could let land remain as forest without the risk of having it “colonized” by others.  Thus policies to reduce food scarcity in a country with limited land and an exploding population led to significant reforestation.

Two lessons here: 1) less land for agriculture, more land for forests; and 2) stronger property rights, more incentive to maintain and expand forests.

References:

Meyfroidt, P. & Lambin, E.F. 2008, “The Causes of the Reforestation in Vietnam”, Land Use Policy, vol. 25, no. 2, pp. 182-197.

Pfaff, Alexander (2007) From Deforestation to Reforestation in New England, United States. In World Forests from Deforestation to Transition? Volume 2 of the series World Forests pp 67-82

What would an Ideal Society Look Like? The Question Phase – Part IV: Education

Ideal # 4: Everyone has a right to 16 years of education

Let the questions begin!

  1.  Is there an age limit to this right? For instance, 30, 50, 70?
  2. How is the “right” realized? Through free tuition?Through a stipend?
  3. Is there a course/training load required to activate the right?
  4. Are there performance requirements to maintain the right?
  5. How would training and classes be counted towards the time limit for the right? For instance, brief, intensive training, like coding “boot camps”, where the content is taught in only a few months but would have taken much longer to teach in a traditional institution, like a community college.
  6. What types of training or education would count as part of the right, and what types (if any) would be excluded? For instance, classes in flower design or public speaking.
  7. Will a documented labor market be required for the type of training, education, degree or certificate that is covered by the right?
  8. What establishments would count as providers of education and training covered by the right?
  9. Could the right be suspended in cases where beneficiaries abuse it?  For instance, enrolling to get a stipend, then dropping the classes later.
  10. What safeguards would be put into effect to minimize potentially harmful effects of the right? For instance, lower persistence/completion rates or lackadaisical campus culture.

The inspiration for question #10 came from a 2007 paper by Nancy Shulock and Colleen Moore about the unintended consequences of fee waivers at California Commu­nity Colleges. To quote: “Reflecting a priority on access, student fees are the lowest in the nation by far…. Student fee and aid policy encourages students to: 1) enroll in courses without much forethought, and 2) add and drop courses repeatedly without financial consequence [behaviors negatively correlated with completion]. Because access to the CCC (California Community Colleges) has been historically framed around low fees, financial aid policy has emphasized low fees and fee waivers, rather than overall college affordability. This gives students a false sense of opportunity since fees account for only 5% to 7% of the total cost of college attendance…” (Items like room, board, textbooks, childcare, and transportation are more significant than fees for most community college students in California.)

Shulock and Moore’s recommendations: “As part of the effort to give colleges more tools to manage their finances in the interest of student success, and to encourage successful student behaviors like timely enrollment, the prohibition against campus-based fees should be removed and college officials should be allowed to make those decisions locally.”  Basically they’re saying that adult students need to pay something to be more serious about their education.

As it turns out, the Shulock-Moore research actually influenced education policy in California. A 2016 report by the California Community Colleges Board of Governors notes that while California’s broadly used fee waiver program “can increase access for needy students, it may not be sufficient to encourage behaviors critical to student success.” Their recommendation that academic standards be stricter for fee waiver recipients is being implemented in late 2016.

Morale to the story: increasing access to college may undermine success in college if strict conditions are not attached.  Think about that when considering the right to 16 years of education.

References:

Shulock, N. and Moore, C. (2007, October). Invest in Success: How Finance Policy Can Increase Student Success at California’s Community Colleges. Sacramento, CA: Institute for Higher Education Leadership & Policy, CSUS.

Fisher, Stacy B.  The California Community Colleges Board of Governors Fee Waiver: A Comparison of State Aid Program January 19, 2016; California Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office

Implicit Beliefs

Implicit beliefs are assumptions. To assume is not the same thing as believing something is the case. To assume is to take for granted. When I walk, I assume my feet will encounter resistance. When I cook dinner, I assume hubby’s coming home. I’m not sure we can talk about assumptions as discrete cognitive objects the way we speak of beliefs.  Assumptions are not the product of reflection. People may “come to believe”, but they don’t “come to assume”.

Assumptions are more like default settings that persist because they have been unchallenged and lead to good-enough outcomes (like reaching the mail box or having a nice dinner). Assumptions don’t require that we entertain the possibility of their being wrong. If we do entertain that possibility but conclude the assumption is valid, then what had been an assumption becomes a belief.

Feeling is Believing – Or Not

Beliefs are confident opinions about something.  To feel confident about a belief requires that one entertain the belief. To entertain a belief is to entertain the possibility of it being untrue.  This type of cognitive processing would be unlikely without a verbal assist.

Of course, definitions can be set-ups for conclusions. Since I already defined belief as a type of opinion, concluding that beliefs are necessarily verbal isn’t exactly earth shattering. But how about if I defined belief as “a confident attitude or feeling that something is the case”?  Admittedly, that sounds odd – it would be more natural to say “to be confident that something is the case”. The point remains: attitudes or feelings can exist without ever being articulated (not so, opinions).

Trust, reverence, arrogance, and self-efficacy all include a type of confidence that something is the case: he won’t let me down, that is awe-inspiring, I am brilliant, I can do this. But calling this confidence a “belief” doesn’t sound right.

One problem is that beliefs are discrete but attitudes and feelings exist along a continuum. You either believe something or you don’t. If you have doubts, you don’t believe. But you can be more or less trusting.

So can a discrete belief exist prior to and independent of putting it into words? I think not.

But what about “implicit beliefs”? (Next)

Irrational Beliefs, Or Are They?

Here I am thinking about the type of beliefs much discussed in  clinical psychology,  such as the following “irrational” beliefs  identified by Albert Ellis:

  • It is a dire necessity for adult humans to be loved or approved by virtually every significant other person in their community.
  • One absolutely must be competent, adequate and achieving in all important respects or else one is an inadequate, worthless person.
  • People absolutely must act considerately and fairly and they are damnable villains if they do not. They are their bad acts.
  • It is awful and terrible when things are not the way one would very much like them to be.
  • Emotional disturbance is mainly externally caused and people have little or no ability to increase or decrease their dysfunctional feelings and behaviors.
  • If something is or may be dangerous or fearsome, then one should be constantly and excessively concerned about it and should keep dwelling on the possibility of it occurring.
  • One cannot and must not face life’s responsibilities and difficulties and it is easier to avoid them.
  • One must be quite dependent on others and need them and you cannot mainly run one’s own life.
  • One’s past history is an all-important determiner of one’s present behavior and because something once strongly affected one’s life, it should indefinitely have a similar effect.
  • Other people’s disturbances are horrible and one must feel upset about them.
  • There is invariably a right, precise and perfect solution to human problems and it is awful if this perfect solution is not found.

These “beliefs” are not believable as beliefs. I doubt the Ellis list of irrational beliefs would ever be spontaneously provided in response to an open-ended question.  Sure, a lot of us may endorse weak versions, like “I have a hard time meeting my responsibilities and often avoid them” – but then weak versions cease to be irrational – they’re simply proclivities. Ellis uses the absolutist, hyperbolic and unforgiving language of 19th century preachers to create strawman beliefs that are obviously irrational but which no one holds.

All sorts of beliefs  may be articulated when queried* but few beliefs exist sentence-like in the head, or exist at all  before being elicited in some way.  Beliefs in general are emergent phenomena – that is, they emerge from the interactions of multiple and distributed micro-events in the brain, becoming a coherent thing only when presented to self and/or other. They emerge when something brings them out: a question or questionnaire/ an imaginary or real act of communication. Such beliefs emerge as they are put into words.

We put things into words to communicate: to ourselves or others, in our heads or in the world. Communication is a form of behavior: it is doing something to achieve a goal. So when someone says something obviously exaggerated and irrational, how much of that is expressing a true belief and how much is a behavior?  When I’m furious at a guy and complain to a friend that “all men are assholes”, do I truly believe that?

Consider such venting as a behavior:  what I am trying to accomplish with the behavior? What’s the pay-off? Perhaps an attempt to become reconciled to being wronged, or to feel the exhilaration of righteous indignation, or to exhaust the feeling through excess or to solicit commiseration? And even if I believe the sentiment in the heat of the moment, do I truly believe it?  Is it a transient belief, just passing through? Or is it a sleeping-dog belief that is quiescent most of the time, but comes to the fore with the right trigger? (But always “there”, deep-down).

Reference

Ellis, A. (1994). Reason and Emotion in Psychotherapy, NY: Birch Lane Press

Anxiety, Fear, and the Comfort of Attachment

In the last post I said that anxiety and fear are more responses to the absence of comforting beliefs than the presence of uncomfortable beliefs.

It’s like with attachment theory, where so much hinges on whether the toddler perceives the caregiver as a safe haven. A toddler that lacks such faith in the caregiver copes poorly with stress and uncertainty. A toddler who is securely attached to the caregiver is freer to explore new environments, confident there will be a secure base to return to.

Secure attachment provides a foundation for resilience and a sense of control. A secure toddler can always return to home base, where she will be safe and loved. Or at least she will  have faith that the caregiver will return. That certainty encourages exploratory behavior – going where baby has not gone before – which in turn increases tolerance of uncertainty and a willingness to power through anxiety….resulting in a succession of discoveries and delights, setting the stage for more confident explorations.

Of course, early experience is not destiny.

Reference:

Ainsworth,  MD (December 1969). “Object relations, dependency, and attachment: a theoretical review of the infant-mother relationship”. Child Development. Blackwell Publishing. 40 (4): 969–1025. doi:10.2307/1127008

Anxiety, Fear and Beliefs

Anxiety and fear are fed more by the absence of belief than its presence. Cognitive psychologists often see psychological dysfunction as a matter of “irrational beliefs”. And they point to evidence of such beliefs from self-report questionnaires that consist of forced-choice questions: do you believe ‘x’ or not? Problem is, the essence of “belief” is faith – certainty.   Yet certainty is often a matter of degree:  it’s not either you have it or you don’t – it’s how much of it do you have.

If an opinion is less than certain, it is not a belief.

What lets fear in is the uncertainty, not the belief.

Uncertainty without the compensation of belief – that ultimately it will work out, that there is a secure harbor, despite the presence confusion – creates a vacuum that is filled by alarm.

“Bad things will happen” is not the language of fear. “Bad things might happen” is.

 

Self-Regulating for Pleasure

“Self-regulation is defined here as the process of purposefully directing one’s actions, thoughts, and feelings toward a goal (Carver & Scheier, 2011). A goal is a cognitive construct that specifies an intended outcome, typically one that is relatively long in duration and wide in scope compared to immediate or hedonic goals. For example, “quit smoking” is a goal that might require self-regulation for a smoker because it would compete or conflict with the immediate goal to “smoke a cigarette”. My working definition, then, is that self-regulation is the capacity to enact psychologically distant goals in favor of psychologically proximal ones.”  -Berkman (2016)

I disagree with Berkman. Thinking about my own struggles with self-regulation, the struggle is only sometimes about Bigger goals (e.g., long-term or broader) competing with Smaller goals (e.g., “immediate or hedonic” goals). Often the struggle is between (or among!) goals of similar “levels”. Like whether to say or not what I believe to be true. One side of the struggle may play the role of the “temptation” (just say it!) and the other side is advising caution (she doesn’t care, so what’s the point?).  More sides may chime in (in the long-term, she’ll benefit, even in the short-term she’ll be dismissive; or, if you say it enough, it will eventually make an impression; or, it really doesn’t matter – it is pride that insists on truth-telling and humility is a virtue).

Berkman also seems to assume that long-term or broader goals are better in some way. But often the struggle is when to give in and when not to – when to yield to the immediate pleasure or impulse and when to resist.  When restraint is the default, giving in can be effortful. Living a life of pleasure can be a “broad goal” with deep philosophic roots. (Check out Epicurus on that score).

There is a time to give into temptations and a time to resist them. Whenever there’s a tug-of-war among competing goals, and you have to override one behavior or goal in favor of another, self-regulation is involved. Enjoying what the moment has to offer is a worthy goal. When to honor that goal is the question.

Reference:

Berkman, Elliot T. Self-regulation training. To appear in K. D. Vohs & R. F. Baumeister (Eds.), Handbook of Self-Regulation: Research,Theory and Applications (3rd Edition). New York: Guilford.

 

Self-Regulation Isn’t Just About Spoiling the Fun

Self-regulation is a internal goal management process where we override or preempt one goal in favor of another. By ‘goal’ I mean an outcome and the forces marshaled by that outcome: behaviors, emotions, and attention. Don’t do that, calm down, look the other way, think of something else.

Self-regulation isn’t all negative. It’s not all about inhibiting one thing to allow another.

Self-regulation can also be a booster of energy, of motivation, and of action.

Self-regulation is more than “Don’t do it!” It’s also “Just do it!”

(Of course, self-regulation doesn’t always have to be an exclamation-mark experience).

References:

Hofmann, Wilhelm; Baumeister, Roy F.; Förster, Georg; Vohs, Kathleen D. Everyday temptations: An experience sampling study of desire, conflict, and self-control. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol 102(6), Jun 2012, 1318-1335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0026545

Inzlicht, M., Legault, L. and  Teper , R. Exploring the Mechanisms of Self-Control Improvement Current Directions in Psychological Science August 2014 vol. 23 no. 4 302-307

Self-Regulate: It’s What We Do

Self-regulation is often defined as a homeostatic process: you’ve got the set point (goal, standard, value, or ideal); you detect a discrepancy in your “system” (e.g., goal-incongruent behavior, goal-undermining internal state – like feeling rage when you’re trying to be nice); and then you take corrective action (e.g., shut the fuck up, take a deep breath, walk away).  Just like how a thermostat works.

According to one time-sampling study, we are self-regulating about half our waking hours. Usually everything goes smoothly, the process is pretty automatic, we rarely notice, or at least rarely remember (unless beeped by some researcher right after we have righted ourselves). Most of the time, we’re successful at self-regulating – back on track, no problem. Temptation resisted. Angry words suppressed. Attention redirected to the lecture.

Self-regulation doesn’t have to be reactive only. We can proactively self-regulate to avert potential dysregulation. Eat a snack before grocery shopping.  Practice yoga. Or do a little “mindful” breathing before walking into that meeting. Relaxed and ready for the challenge.

References:

Hofmann, Wilhelm; Baumeister, Roy F.; Förster, Georg; Vohs, Kathleen D. Everyday temptations: An experience sampling study of desire, conflict, and self-control. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol 102(6), Jun 2012, 1318-1335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0026545

Inzlicht, M., Legault, L. and  Teper , R. Exploring the Mechanisms of Self-Control Improvement Current Directions in Psychological Science August 2014 vol. 23 no. 4 302-307